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6. The Continental Congress
n the 21st of June, 1775, Mr. Jefferson took his seat in the grand council of arbiters to whom America had committed the direction of her destinies. In the origination of this Council, he had exercised a leading agency, and through the whole process of its establishment, had persevered with ardor.
He was now ushered upon a theatre broad enough to meet his own standard of thought and desire of action. His patriotism had comprehended the whole territory of British America and would stop at nothing short. The Union had had its birthplace in his mind. It had been first breathed from his lips. He had pointed to it in all his propositions, and hurled it in defiance at the British Premier. The consolidation of the moral and physical energies of the continent was the first object of his ambition, and that object was now in a fair course of accomplishment.
Congress had been in session about six weeks when Mr. Jefferson arrived; yet an opportunity awaited him for impressing the tone of his sentiments upon the most important state paper that had yet been mediated.
On the 24th of June, the committee which had been appointed to prepare a Declaration of the Causes of Taking Up Arms brought in their report. The report, being disapproved by the majority, was recommitted, and Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Dickinson were added to the committee. This document was designed as a manifesto to the world, justifying a resistance to the parent government, and required a skillful preparation. The committee requested Mr. Jefferson to execute the draught. He excused himself, but on their pressing him with urgency, he consented. He brought it from his study and laid it before the committee. As anticipated by the writer, it was too strong for Mr. Dickinson, who still retained the hope of reconciliation with the mother country and was unwilling it should be lessened by offensive statements. "He was so honest a man," says Jefferson, "and so able a one, that he was greatly indulged even by those who could not feel his scruples." They therefore requested him to take the paper and remold it according to his own views. He did so, preparing an entire new statement and retaining of the former draught only the last four paragraphs and half of the preceding one. The committee approved and reported it. In Congress, it encountered the shrugs and grimaces of the revolutionary party in every quarter of the House, and the desire of unanimity, ever predominant, was the only motive which silenced their repugnance to its lukewarmness. A humorous circumstance attending its adoption is related by Mr. Jefferson. It shows the great disparity of opinion which prevailed in that body and the mutual sacrifices which were constantly required to preserve an unbroken column.
"Congress gave a signal proof of their indulgence to Mr. Dickinson and of their great desire not to go too fast for any respectable part of our body, in permitting him to draw their second petition to the King according to his own ideas, and passing it with scarcely any amendment. The disgust against this humility was general, and Mr. Dickinson's delight at its passage was the only circumstance which reconciled them to it. The vote being passed, although further observation on it was out of order, he could not refrain from rising and expressing his satisfaction, and concluded by saying, 'There is but one word, Mr. President, in the paper which I disapprove, and that is the word Congress;' on which Ben Harrison rose and said, 'There is but one word in the paper, Mr. President, of which I approve, and that is the word Congress.'" (Autobiography, 1821. ME 1:16)
This production enjoyed a high reputation. The fact that Mr. Jefferson had any agency in its preparation, or that so radical an opposition of views existed in the Congress of 1775 was at first not known; nor indeed had many other interesting minutiae connected with our early history come to the light before the publication of his private "memoirs." As a literary performance and as a specimen of revolutionary fortitude perhaps unequaled, the effect of which was to charge the entire responsibility of the war upon Great Britain, the paper approved by Congress possesses great merit. But in a political point of view, it is insufferably tame and humiliating; though even in that light, it was the best, perhaps, that the circumstances of the times allowed, inasmuch as it coincided with the sentiments of the great majority of the American people. It abandoned the whole ground which Mr. Jefferson had taken in his draught, the ground which he had uniformly maintained in his previous writings, and the one which Congress themselves adopted the ensuing year as the only orthodox and tenable statement of their cause. It intimated a desire for an amicable compact, something like Magna Charta, in which doubtful, undefined points should be ascertained so as to secure that proportion of authority and liberty which would be for the general good of the whole empire. It claimed only a partial exemption from the authority of Parliament; expressed a willingness in the colonies to contribute, in their own way, to the expenses of government; but made a traverse, at last, in preferring the horrors of war to submission to the unlimited supremacy of Parliament. (Ramsay)
Such were the doctrines which influenced a very great majority of Congress. The actual revolutionists were a lean body in the House. The decision of character requisite to assume a posture so heretical at this time and so pregnant with the auguries of woe, desolation, and death, appeared almost supernatural. It was enjoyed by few even of that race of men. After stating the grounds upon which they rested the justification of their appeal to arms, the manifesto concludes in the language of Mr. Jefferson's draught.
It is worthy of remark that, while many historians have concurred in ascribing the entire production to Mr. Dickinson, they have at the same time generally quoted only Mr. Jefferson's conclusion.
"We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers or resistance by force -- the latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honor, justice, and humanity forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them.
"Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources are great; and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. We gratefully acknowledge as signal instances of the Divine favor towards us, that his Providence would not permit us to be called into this severe controversy until we were grown up to our present strength, had been previously exercised in warlike operation, and possessed of the means of defending ourselves. With hearts fortified with these animating reflections, we most solemnly before God and the world declare that, exerting the utmost energy of those powers which our beneficent Creator hath graciously bestowed on us: the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverance, employ for the preservation of our liberties; being with one mind resolved to die freemen rather than to live slaves.
"Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them that we mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored -- necessity has not yet driven us into that desperate measure, or induced us to excite any other nation to war against them -- we have not raised armies with ambitious designs of separating from Great Britain and establishing independent States. We fight not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies without any imputation or even suspicion of offence. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death.
"In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birthright and which we ever enjoyed until the late violation of it -- for the protection of our property acquired solely by the honest industry of our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed -- and not before.
"With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and impartial Judge and Ruler of the universe, we most devoutly implore his divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war."
This declaration was published to the army by General Washington, and proclaimed from the pulpit with great solemnity by the ministers of religion.
On the 22nd of July, Congress took into consideration the conciliatory proposition of Lord North. This was a final peace measure, and it is said they delayed their answer under pretext of dignity, with a view to wait the event of the first actions from which they might draw some prognostics of the probable issue of the war. However this may be, they exercised great discrimination in constituting the committee who should prepare the instrument. Being elected by ballot, the number of votes received by each deciding his station on the committee -- which was in the following order: Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jefferson, John Adams, and Richard H. Lee. A stronger committee could not have been raised in that House. It combined the greatest maturity of judgment with the soundest revolutionary principles. It was a signal compliment to Mr. Jefferson, who was but a new member and the youngest man in the whole body. The answer of the Virginia Assembly upon the same subject having been read and admired, the committee requested its distinguished author to prepare the present report. He consented, and as before observed, made his reply on the former occasion the basis of this. The resulting resolution is intimately blended with the reputation of the writer, and next in importance at that time to the Declaration of Independence. [note]
On the first of August, Congress adjourned to meet again on the 5th of September following.
he following letters which Mr. Jefferson addressed at this critical time to a friend in England are rare revolutionary fragments. They show how little there was of anything but principle which entered into the motives of a principal actor and one who was proscribed as unpardonable among the movers of the rebellion.
"Monticello, August 25, 1775. . .
"Dear Sir,-- I am sorry the situation of our country should render it not eligible to you to remain longer in it. I hope the returning wisdom of Great Britain will, ere long, put an end to this unnatural contest. There may be people to whose tempers and dispositions contention is pleasing and who, therefore, wish a continuance of confusion; but to me it is of all states but one the most horrid. My first wish is a restoration of our just rights; my second, a return of the happy period when, consistently with duty, I may withdraw myself totally from the public stage and pass the rest of my days in domestic ease and tranquility, banishing ever desire of ever hearing what passes in the world. Perhaps (for the latter adds considerably to the warmth of the former wish) looking with fondness towards a reconciliation with Great Britain, I cannot help hoping you may be able to contribute towards expediting this good work. I think it must be evident to yourself that the Ministry have been deceived by their officers on this side of the water, who (for what purpose I cannot tell) have constantly represented the American opposition as that of a small faction in which the body of the people took little part. This, you can inform them, of your own knowledge is untrue. They have taken it into their heads, too, that we are cowards, and shall surrender at discretion to an armed force. The past and future operations of the war must confirm or undeceive them on that head. I wish they were thoroughly and minutely acquainted with every circumstance relative to America as it exists in truth. I am persuaded this would go far towards disposing them to reconciliation. I observe they pronounced in the last Parliament that the Congress of 1774 did not mean to insist rigorously on the terms they held out, but kept something in reserve to give up; and, in fact, that they would give up everything but the article of taxation. Now, the truth is far from this, as I can affirm, and put my honor to the assertion. Their continuance in this error may, perhaps, produce very ill consequences. The Congress stated the lowest terms they thought possible to be accepted in order to convince the world they were not unreasonable. They gave up the monopoly and regulation of trade and all acts of Parliament prior to 1764, leaving to British generosity to render these at some future time as easy to America as the interest of Britain would admit. But this was before blood was spilt. I cannot affirm, but have reason to think, these terms would not now be accepted. I wish no false sense of honor, no ignorance of our real intentions, no vain hope that partial concessions of right will be accepted, may induce the Ministry to trifle with accommodation till it shall be out of their power ever to accommodate. If, indeed, Great Britain disjointed from her colonies be a match for the most potent nations of Europe, with the colonies thrown into their scale they may go on securely. But if they are not assured of this, it would be certainly unwise, by trying the event of another campaign, to risk our accepting a foreign aid which, perhaps, may not be attainable but on condition of everlasting avulsion from Great Britain. This would be thought a hard condition to those who still wish for re-union with their parent country. I am sincerely one of those, and would rather be in dependence on Great Britain, properly limited, than on any other nation on earth, or than on no nation. But I am one of those, too, who, rather than submit to the rights of legislating for us assumed by the British Parliament, and which late experience has shown they will so cruelly exercise, would lend my hand to sink the whole Island in the ocean."If undeceiving the Minister as to matters of fact may change his disposition, it will, perhaps, be in your power by assisting to do this, to render service to the whole empire at the most critical time, certainly, that it has ever seen. Whether Britain shall continue the head of the greatest empire on earth or shall return to her original station in the political scale of Europe depends, perhaps, on the resolutions of the succeeding winter. God send they may be wise and salutary for us all. I shall be glad to hear from you as often as you may be disposed to think of things here. You may be at liberty, I expect, to communicate some things consistently with your honor and the duties you will owe to a protecting nation. Such a communication among individuals may be mutually beneficial to the contending parties. On this or any future occasion, if I affirm to you any facts, your knowledge of me will enable you to decide on their credibility; if I hazard opinions on the dispositions of men or other speculative points, you can only know they are my opinions. My best wishes for your felicity attend you wherever you go; and believe me to be, assuredly, your friend and servant." (to John Randolph. ME 4:28)
"Philadelphia, Nov. 29, 1775. . .
"It is an immense misfortune to the whole empire to have a King of such a disposition at such a time. We are told, and everything proves it true, that he is the bitterest enemy we have. His Minister is able; and that satisfies me that ignorance or wickedness somewhere controls him. In an earlier part of this contest, our petitions told him that from our King there was but one appeal. The admonition was despised, and that appeal forced on us. To undo his empire, he has but one truth more to learn: that after colonies have drawn the sword, there is but one step more they can take. That step is now pressed upon us by the measures adopted, as if they were afraid we would not take it. Believe me, dear Sir: there is not in the British empire a man who more cordially loves a union with Great Britain than I do. But by the God that made me, I will cease to exist before I yield to a connection on such terms as the British Parliament propose; and in this, I think I speak the sentiments of America. We want neither inducement nor power to declare and assert a separation. It is will alone which is wanting; and that is growing apace under the fostering hand of our King. One bloody campaign will probably decide everlastingly our future course; and I am sorry to find a bloody campaign is decided on. If our winds and waters should not combine to rescue their shores from slavery and General Howe's reinforcement should arrive in safety, we have hopes he will be inspirited to come out of Boston and take another drubbing; and we must drub him soundly before the septered tyrant will know we are not mere brutes, to crouch under his hand and kiss the rod with which he deigns to scourge us. Yours, etc." (to John Randolph. ME 4:32)Mr. Jefferson was re-elected to Congress in August, 1775, and again in June, 1776, continuing as a member of that body without intermission until he resigned his seat in September, 1776.
During his absence at Philadelphia, however, he was not inattentive to the affairs of his native state. He maintained a constant correspondence with the patriot leaders in that province, particularly Mr. Wythe, and stimulated them, if any stimulus was wanting, to the strongest measures of political enfranchisement. Having headed the principal movements of a civil character in Virginia, he exercised a preponderating influence in her councils.
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© 1997 by Eyler Robert Coates, Sr.